Historical – Survive with Will – Thoughtful Analysis & Perceptions

Yellow Journalism

Will Hemingway — Mon, 12 Feb 2018 08:52:55 +0000

The term “Yellow Journalism” refers to untoward and salacious behavior of the media. People living in the age of the internet and 24-hour cable TV news channels are numb to this outrageous behavior. It has become sadly ubiquitous.

When I point out factual examples of pure manipulation and “click baiting” in media “stories” to the average person, I get crickets. When I voice my disgust to them about it, they more often than not are bewildered by my concern. This is the power of the media.

All media are constantly inundating people with repetitive conditioning. They soften up the populace with stories of outrageous incident on foreign shores or feel good stories diminishing bad things that people have done excusing their actions because they fill in the blanks. Prior to breaking news of corruption or negative stories reaching the general public they seeded those stories. They diminish the backlash when the people learn the truth. In fact, it is a form of manipulation and brainwashing. This type of journalism has started wars and destroyed good people employing the tactic of Yellow Journalism.

The phrase “Yellow Journalism” was in reference to an extremely popular central character, “the Yellow Kid” which was featured in New York City’s top newspaper; The Journal. The Yellow Kid was employed to embed complex political and social initiatives into the social conscious. It shaped the public opinion on important social issues of the time through the use of salacious reports and political cartoon satire.

The Yellow Kid employed similar methods that modern media use today. The weapon of choice is to employ anthropomorphization; the act of assigning human traits to animals.

Anthropomorphism is the attribution of human traits, emotions, or intentions to non-human entities (Wikipedia)

You see it all around you in advertising and even news stories every day. People drop their “armor” to an issue that they would deem threatening and allow the hum-animal to tell them what to do or how to think while their shields are down. There are hundreds of examples; Check out this interesting article on the issues with anthropomorphization click here. In that article her refers to the fatherly figure of the Smokey the Bear as a positive use. He also illustrates a direct attack on our self-reliance, hunting, and much more in examples such as Walt Disney’s Bambi. It brainwashed at least three generations. Many generation X and Millennials will proudly tell you that they “learned most of what they know about history from movies and video games.” That is the unchecked power to manipulate the population ensconced in the media. There are no watch dogs. Any dissenters are labeled crazy, conspiracy theorists, or “haters.”

The owner of the New York City Journal was Joseph Pulitzer. He had established the Journal as the leading newspaper by sensationalizing news stories, exaggerating and creating crisis, championing campaigns against political corruption, and social injustices. When William Randolph Hearst, the owner of the massively successful San Francisco Examiner, moved to NYC and purchased rival newspaper New York World a battle ensued for supremacy. Hearst poached many top employees of the Journal including Richard F Outcault the creator of the Yellow Kid. By the end of 1895 the two newspapers were in full out war, and war, it would bring before it was over. Read my article entitled Casus belli click here.

Yellow Journalism was defined by its total lack of legitimate research, vetted facts, and the use of eye catching photos and cartoons. The newspaper war reached its crescendo when employing those tactics to “beat each other to the scoop” in the unrest in Cuba with the Spanish. The papers were advocating for the USA to get involved in the conflict directly with the Spanish. War, conflict, sells papers. The situation peaked when a highly suspicious explosion occurred on a USA Navy ship in the area. The hyped and highly inaccurate stories printed in the two papers convinced the US public that the Spanish were responsible and forced the US into the war. The public outcry forced the US Congress to pursue war. President McKinley, who was assassinated by what was likely a Bolshevik, was strongly against US involvement in the conflict. Yellow Journalism altered the course of American foreign policy. The Monroe Doctrine of 1823 which established US policy to repel all attempts to colonize the Americas was brought to the forefront.

Not much has changed. Even as we have moved from print to digital news sources. The worst part is that the digital “news” outlets delete and change what they initially reported at the click of a key. It virtually erases any culpability to their willful or inadvertent manipulations and deceitful reporting.

The irony of Yellow Journalism is that it personifies everything that could ever be wrong with journalism. Yet, in an inexplicable, or possibly telling twist, each year journalists vie for the honor of receiving a Pulitzer Prize in Journalism. What? Yes, that’s right a prize with the name of one of the most irresponsible, manipulative journalist newspaper owners in the USA’s history. No, you cannot make this stuff up. They lied to sell newspapers and took us into war. Remember that every time that you hear how there is not such thing as fake news.

You should always check multiple sources, from opposing biases, in order to validate the reports. You are the first line of defense for the truth.

Citizen Science – Freedom Exemplified

Will Hemingway — Wed, 24 Jan 2018 04:44:28 +0000

“The Power of Citizen Science –

Citizen science is the involvement of the public in scientific research – whether community-driven research or global investigations. The Citizen Science Association unites expertise from educators, scientists, data managers, and others to power citizen science.

CitizenScience.org

Throughout history, nearly all the major breakthroughs advancing science were attained through citizen scientists, not through heavily burdened bureaucratic governmental or contract agencies. There is nothing new about citizen science.

Across all the PracticePreparedness and PracticeSurvival related websites we have included, and often featured, citizen scientists. They have moved science forward throughout millennia, often against "recognized science".

There was a great article published in 2012 on the website science 2.0 entitled, “A Brief History of Citizen Science”. The article is one of many that touch on the subject (click here to read).

I know that there may be some people who will get angry at the previous sentence, but hear me out. People do not understand that when we are having this conversation it is important to understand terms. Terms such as government agencies versus scientists working for governmental agencies. Scientists working in those agencies are often some of the greatest in the world. The toil tirelessly in the quest of scientific data and facts. The fact that government agencies have proven themselves, in general, to be bloated ineffectual, bastions of red tape does not help when lay people are trying to decide to trust.

If you are still twisted about the assertion that citizen science is superior to organizational science, I offer the following:

Nicolaus Copernicus 1573-1543
- Astronomer Nicolaus Copernicus was instrumental in establishing the concept of a heliocentric solar system, in which the sun, rather than the earth, is the center of the solar system. Astronomer Nicolaus Copernicus was instrumental in establishing the concept of a heliocentric solar system, in which the sun, rather than the earth, is the center of the solar system.
- Read More about him here
Benjamin Franklin
- Celebrated scientist, inventor, philosopher, author, and politician
Nikola Tesla
- Developed the alternating current electricity supply system
- He developed hundreds of scientific breakthroughs on his own
Marie Curie – Best known as Madame Curie
- Physicist and chemist
- Two Nobel Peace Prizes in Science
- Conducted pioneering research on radioactivity
- Polish and naturalized-French

The list goes on and on.

It is important to state; thanks to citizen scientists we have broadened our minds, our world, changed the way we live, and advanced man’s understanding of the world which surrounds us. Some like Copernicus and Tesla were shunned by the “established scientific community.” They defamed both and many others. Thankfully they were dedicated to their callings and persevered. None of them are perfect, Currie suffered from depression, others from phobias, but all were brilliant, disrespected, and misunderstood.

There is a citizen scientist today, whom we reference regularly; DutchSinse is brilliant, quirky, he bloviates a little too much, but he has broken ground in the science of predicting earthquakes that has infuriated the “established science community”. They have attacked and mocked him. He persists. I highly recommend that you checkout his YouTube channel (click here) and his website (click here). He does weekly earthquake forecasts that you do not want to miss.

Napoleon’s Maxims of War

Will Hemingway — Wed, 10 Jan 2018 04:12:20 +0000

Napoleon's Maxims of War are an interesting window into the thoughts of one of the most well-known and notorious Military minds in history; Napoleon Bonaparte with notes by General Burnod, translated from the original in French by Lieutenant General Sir G.C. D'Aguilar, C.B., and published by David McKay of Philadelphia in 1902

Maxim
I.

The frontiers of states are either large rivers, or chains of mountains, or deserts. Of all these obstacles to the march of an army, the most difficult to overcome is the desert; mountains come next, and broad rivers occupy the third place.

Maxim
II.

In forming the plan of a campaign, it is requisite to foresee everything the enemy may do, and to be prepared with the necessary means to counteract it. Plans of campaign may be modified, ad infinitum, according to circumstances -- the genius of the general, the character of the troops, and the topography of the theater of action.

Maxim
III.

An army which undertakes the conquest of a country has its two wings resting either upon neutral territories, or upon great natural obstacles, such as rivers or chains of mountains. It happens in some cases that only one wing is so supported, and in others that both are exposed.

Maxim
IV.

When the conquest of a country is undertaken by two or three armies, which have each their separate line of operation, until they arrive at a point fixed upon for their concentration, it should be laid down as a principle, that the union of these different corps should never take place near the enemy: because the enemy, in uniting his forces, may not only prevent this junction, but may beat the armies in detail.

Maxim
V.

All wars should be governed by certain principles, for every war should have a definite object, and be conducted according to the rules of art. (A war should only be undertaken with forces proportioned to the obstacles to be overcome.)

Maxim
VI.

At the commencement of a campaign, to advance or not to advance is a matter for grave consideration; but when once the offensive has been assumed, it must be sustained to the last extremity. However skillful the maneuvers in a retreat, it will always weaken the morale of an army, because in losing the chances of success these last are transferred to the enemy.

Besides, retreats always cost more men and materiel than the most bloody engagements; with this difference, that in a battle the enemy's loss is nearly equal to your own--whereas in a retreat the loss is on your side only.

Maxim
VII.

An army should be ready every day, every night and at all times of the day and night, to oppose all the resistance of which it is capable. With this view, the soldier should always be furnished completely with arms and ammunition; the infantry should never be without its artillery, its cavalry, and its generals; and the different divisions of the army should be constantly in a state to support, to be supported, and to protect itself.

The troops, whether halted, or encamped, or on the march, should be always in favorable positions, possessing the essentials required for a field of battle; for example, the flanks should be well covered, and all the artillery so placed as to have free range, and to play with the greatest advantage. When an army is in column of march, it should have advanced guards and flanking parties, to examine well the country in front, to the right, and to the left, and always at such distance as to enable the main body to deploy into position.

Maxim
VIII.

A general-in-chief should ask himself frequently in the day, "What should I do if the enemy's army appeared now in my front, or on my right, or my left?" If he have any difficulty in answering these questions, his position is bad, and he should seek to remedy it.

Maxim
IX.

The strength of an army, like the power in mechanics, is estimated by multiplying the mass by the rapidity; a rapid march augments the morale of an army, and increases its means of victory. Press on!

Maxim
X.

When an army is inferior in number, inferior in cavalry, and in artillery, it is essential to avoid a general action. The first deficiency should be supplied by rapidity of movement; the want of artillery, by the nature of the maneuvers; and the inferiority in cavalry, by the choice of positions. In such circumstances the morale of the soldier does much.

Maxim
XI.

To direct operations with lines far removed from each other, and without communications, is to commit a fault which always gives birth to a second. The detached column has only its orders for the first day. Its operations on the following day depend upon what may have happened to the main body. Thus, this column either loses time upon emergency, in waiting for orders, or it will act without them, and at hazard. Let it therefore be held as a principle, that an army should always keep its columns so united as to prevent the enemy from passing between them with impunity.

Whenever, for particular reasons, this principle is departed from, the detached corps should be independent in their operations. They should move toward a point fixed upon for their future junction. They should advance without hesitating and without waiting for fresh orders; and every precaution should be taken to prevent an attack upon them in detail.

Maxim
XII.

An army ought to have only one line of operation. This should be preserved with care, and never abandoned but in the last extremity.

Maxim
XIII.

The distances permitted between corps of an army upon the march must be governed by the localities, by circumstances, and by the object in view.

Maxim
XIV.

Among mountains, a great number of positions are always to be found very strong in themselves, and which it is dangerous to attack. The character of this mode of warfare consists in occupying camps on the flanks or in the rear of the enemy, leaving him only the alternative of abandoning his position without fighting, to take up another in the rear, or to descend from it in order to attack you. In mountain warfare, the assailant has always the disadvantage; even in offensive warfare in the open field, the great secret consists in defensive combats, and in obliging the enemy to attack.

Maxim
XV.

The first consideration with a general who offers battle should be the glory and honor of his arms; the safety and preservation of his men is only the second; but it is in the enterprise and courage resulting from the former that the latter will most assuredly be found. In a retreat, besides the honor of the army, the loss of life is often greater than in two battles.

For this reason, we should never despair while brave men are to be found with their colors. It is by this means we obtain victory, and deserve to obtain it.

Maxim
XVI.

It is an approved maxim in war, never to do what the enemy wishes you to do, for this reason alone, that he desires it. A field of battle, therefore, which he has previously studied and reconnoitered, should be avoided and double care should be taken where he has had time to fortify and entrench. One consequence deducible from this principle is, never to attack a position in front which you can gain by turning.

Maxim
XVII.

In a war of march and maneuver, if you would avoid a battle with a superior army, it is necessary to entrench every night, and occupy a good defensive position. Those natural positions which are ordinarily met with are not sufficient to protect an army against superior numbers without recourse to art.

Maxim
XVIII.

A general of ordinary talent occupying a bad position, and surprised by a superior force, seeks his safety in retreat; but a great captain supplies all deficiencies by his courage, and marches boldly to meet the attack.

By this means he disconcerts his adversary; and if the latter shows any irresolution in his movements, a skillful leader, profiting by his indecision, may even hope for victory, or at least employ the day in maneuvering -- at night he entrenches himself, or falls back to a better position. By this determined conduct he maintains the honor of his arms, the first essential to all military superiority.

Maxim
XIX.

The transition from the defensive to the offensive is one of the most delicate operations in war.

Maxim
XX.

It may be laid down as a principle, that the line of operation should not be abandoned; but it is one of the most skillful maneuvers in war, to know how to change it, when circumstances authorize or render this necessary.

An army which changes skillfully its line of operation deceives the
enemy, who becomes ignorant where to look for its rear, or upon what weak points it is assailable.

Maxim
XXI.

When an army carries with it a battering train, or large convoys of sick and wounded, it cannot march by too short a line upon its depots.

Maxim
XXII.

The art of encamping in position is the same as taking up the line in order of battle in this position. To this end, the artillery should be advantageously placed, ground should be selected which is not commanded or liable to be turned, and, as far as possible, the guns should cover and command the surrounding country.

Maxim
XXIII.

When you are occupying a position which the enemy threatens to surround, collect all your force immediately, and menace him with an offensive movement. By this maneuver you will prevent him from detaching and annoying your flanks, in case you should judge it necessary to retire.

Maxim
XXIV.

Never lose sight of this maxim, that you should establish your cantonments at the most distant and best protected point from the enemy, especially where a surprise is possible. By this means you will have time to unite all your forces before he can attack you.

Maxim
XXV.

When two armies are in order of battle, and one has to retire over a bridge, while the other has the circumference of the circle open, all the advantages are in favor of the latter. It is then a general should show boldness, strike a decided blow, and maneuver upon the flank of his enemy. The victory is in his hands.

Maxim
XXVI.

It is contrary to all true principle to make corps, which have no communication with each other, act separately against a central force whose communications are cut off.

Maxim
XXVII.

When an army is driven from a first position, the retreating columns should rally always sufficiently in the rear, to prevent any interruption from the enemy. The greatest disaster that can happen is when the columns are attacked in detail, and before their junction.

Maxim
XXVIII.

No force should be detached on the eve of a battle, because affairs may change during the night, either by the retreat of the enemy, or by the arrival of large reinforcements to enable him to resume the offensive, and counteract your previous arrangements.

Maxim
XXIX.

When you have resolved to fight a battle, collect your whole force. Dispense with nothing. A single battalion sometimes decides the day.

Maxim
XXX.

Nothing is so rash or so contrary to principle as to make a flank march before an army in position, especially when this army occupies heights at the foot of which you are forced to defile.

Maxim
XXXI.

When you determine to risk a battle, reserve to yourself every possible chance of success, more particularly if you have to deal with an adversary of superior talent; for if you are beaten, even in the midst of your magazines and your communications, woe to the vanquished!

Maxim
XXXII.

The duty of an advanced guard does not consist of advancing or retiring, but in maneuvering. An advanced guard should be composed of light cavalry, supported by a reserve of heavy cavalry, and by battalions of infantry, supported also by artillery. An advanced guard should consist of picked troops, and the general officers, officers and men should be selected for their respective capabilities and knowledge. A corps deficient in instruction is only an embarrassment to an advanced guard.

Maxim
XXXIII.

It is contrary to the usages of war to allow parks or batteries of artillery to enter a defile, unless you hold the other extremity. In case of retreat, the guns will embarrass your movements, and be lost. They should be left in position under a sufficient escort, until you are master of the opening.

Maxim
XXXIV.

It should be laid down as a principle, never to have intervals by which the enemy can penetrate between corps formed in order of battle, unless it be to draw him into a snare.

Maxim
XXXV.

Encampments of the same army should always be formed so as to protect each other.

Maxim
XXXVI.

When the enemy's army is covered by a river, upon which he holds several tetes de pont, do not attack in front. This would divide your force and expose you to be turned. Approach the river in echelon of columns; in such a manner that the leading column shall be the only one the enemy can attack, without offering you his flank. In the meantime, let your light troops occupy the bank, and when you have decided on the point of passage, rush upon it and fling across your bridge. Observe that the point of passage should be always at a distance from the leading echelon, in order to deceive the enemy.

Maxim
XXXVII.

From the moment you are master of a position which commands the opposite bank, facilities are acquired for effecting the passage of the river; above all, if this position is sufficiently extensive to place upon it artillery in force. This advantage is diminished if the river is more than three hundred toises (or six hundred yards) in breadth, because the distance being out of the range of grape, it is easy for the troops which defend the passage to line the bank and get under cover. Hence it follows that if the grenadiers, ordered to pass the river for the protection of the bridge, should reach the other side, they would be destroyed by the fire of the enemy; because his batteries, placed at the distance of two hundred toises from the landing, are capable of a most destructive effect, although removed above five hundred toises from the batteries of the crossing force. Thus the advantage of the artillery would be exclusively his. For the same reason, the passage is impracticable, unless you succeed in surprising the enemy, and are protected by an intermediate island, or unless you are able to take advantage of an angle in the river, to establish a cross-fire upon his works. In this case the island or angle forms a natural tete de pont, and gives the advantage in artillery to the attacking army. When a river is less than sixty toises (or one hundred and twenty yards) in breadth, and you have a post upon the other side, the troops which are thrown across derive such advantages from the protection of your artillery, that, however small the angle may be, it is impossible for the enemy to prevent the establishment of a bridge. In this case, the most skillful generals, when they have discovered the project of their adversary, and brought their own army to the point of crossing, usually content themselves with opposing the passage of the bridge, by forming a semicircle round its extremity, as round the opening of a defile, and removing to the distance of three or four hundred toises from the fire of the opposite side.

Maxim
XXXVIII.

It is difficult to prevent an enemy supplied with pontoons from crossing a river. When the object of an army which defends the passage is to cover a siege, the moment the general has ascertained his inability to oppose the passage, he should take measures to arrive before the enemy, at an intermediate position between the river he defends and the place he desires to cover.

Maxim
XXXIX.

In the campaign of 1645, Turenne was attacked with his army before Philipsburg by a very superior force. There was no bridge here over the Rhine, but he took advantage of the ground between the river and the place to establish his camp. This should serve as a lesson to engineer officers, not merely in the construction of fortresses, but of "tetes de pont". A space should always be left between the fortress and the river, where an army may form and rally without being obliged to throw itself into the place, and thereby compromise its security. An army retiring upon Mayence before a pursuing enemy is necessarily compromised; for this reason, because it requires more than a day to pass the bridge, and because the lines of Cassel are too confined to admit an army to remain there without being blocked up. Two hundred toises should have been left between that place and the Rhine. It is essential that all "tetes de pont" before great rivers should be constructed upon this principle; otherwise they will prove a very inefficient assistance to protect the passage of a retreating army. "Tetes de pont", as laid down in our schools, are of use only for small rivers, the passage of which is comparatively short.

Maxim
XL.

Fortresses are equally useful in offensive and defensive warfare. It is true they will not in themselves arrest an army, but they are an excellent means of retarding, embarrassing, weakening, and annoying a victorious enemy.

Maxim
XLI.

There are only two ways of insuring the success of a siege. The first, to begin by beating the enemy's army employed to cover the place, forcing it out of the field, and throwing its remains beyond some great natural obstacle, such as a chain of mountains, or large river. Having accomplished this object, an army of observation should be placed behind the natural obstacle, until the trenches are finished and the place taken.

But if it be desired to take the place in presence of a relieving army, without risking a battle, then the whole materiel and equipment for a siege are necessary to begin with, together with ammunition and provisions for the presumed period of its duration, and also lines of contravallation and circumvallation, aided by all the localities of heights, woods, marshes, and inundations.

Having no longer occasion to keep up communications with your depots, it is now only requisite to hold in check the relieving army. For this purpose, an army of observation should be formed, whose business it is never to lose sight of that of the enemy, and which, while it effectively bars all access to the place, has always time enough to arrive upon his flanks or rear in case he should attempt to steal a march.

It is to be remembered, too, that by profiting judiciously by the lines of contravallation, a portion of the besieging army will always be available in giving battle to the approaching enemy.

Upon the same general principle, when a place is to be besieged in presence of an enemy's army, it is necessary to cover the siege by lines of circumvallation.

If the besieging force is of numerical strength enough (after leaving a corps before the place four times the amount of the garrison) to cope with the relieving army, it may remove more than one day's march from the place; but if it be inferior in numbers after providing for the siege as above stated, it should remain only a short day's march from the spot, in order to fall back upon its lines, if necessary, or receive succor in case of attack.

If the investing corps and army of observation are only equal when united to the relieving force, the besieging army should remain entire within, or near its lines, and push the works and the siege with the greatest activity.

Maxim
XLII.

Fauquier says that "we should never wait for the enemy in the lines of circumvallation, but we should go out and attack him." He is in error. There is no authority in war without exception; and it would be dangerous to proscribe the principle of awaiting the enemy within the lines of circumvallation.

Maxim
XLIII.

Those who proscribe lines of circumvallation, and all the assistance which the science of the engineer can afford, deprive themselves gratuitously of an auxiliary which is never injurious, almost always useful, and often indispensable.

It must be admitted at the same time, that the principles of field-fortification require improvement. This important branch of the art of war has made no progress since the time of the ancients. It is even inferior at this day to what it was two thousand years ago. Engineer officers should be encouraged in bringing this branch of their art to perfection, and in placing it upon a level with the rest.

Maxim
XLIV.

If circumstances prevent a sufficient garrison being left to defend a fortified town which contains a hospital and magazines, at least every means should be employed to secure the citadel against a coup de main.

Maxim
XLV.

A fortified place can only protect the garrison and detain the enemy for a certain time. When this time has elapsed, and the defenses of the place are destroyed, the garrison should lay down its arms. All civilized nations are agreed on this point, and there never has been an argument except with reference to the greater or less degree of defense which a governor is bound to make before he capitulates. At the same time, there are generals--Villars among the number--who are of opinion that a governor should never surrender, but that in the last extremity he should blow up the fortifications, and take advantage of the night to cut his way through the besieging army. Where he is unable to blow up the fortifications, he may always retire, they say, with his garrison, and save the men.

Officers who have adopted this line of conduct have often brought off three-fourths of their garrison.

Maxim
XLVI.

The keys of a fortress are well worth the retirement of the garrison, when it is resolved to yield only on those conditions. On this principle it is always wiser to grant an honorable capitulation to a garrison which has made a vigorous resistance, than to risk an assault.

Maxim
XLVII.

Infantry, cavalry, and artillery are nothing without each other; therefore, they should always be so disposed in cantonments as to assist each other in case of surprise.

Maxim
XLVIII.

The formation of infantry in line should be always in two ranks, because the length of the musket only admits of an effective fire in this formation.

The discharge of the third rank is not only uncertain, but frequently dangerous to the ranks in its front. In drawing up infantry in two ranks, there should be a supernumerary behind every fourth of fifth file. A reserve should likewise be placed twenty-five paces in rear of each flank.

Maxim
XLIX.

The practice of mixing small bodies of infantry and cavalry together is a bad one, and attended with many inconveniences. The cavalry loses its power of action. It becomes fettered in all its movements. Its energy is destroyed; even the infantry itself is compromised, for on the first movement of the cavalry it's left without support. The best mode of protecting cavalry is to cover its flank.

Maxim
L.

Charges of cavalry are equally useful at the beginning, the middle, and the end of a battle. They should be made always, if possible, on the flanks of the infantry, especially when the latter is engaged in front.

Maxim
LI.

It is the business of cavalry to follow up the victory, and to prevent the beaten enemy from rallying.

Maxim
LII.

Artillery is more essential to cavalry than to infantry, because cavalry has no fire for its defense, but depends upon the saber. It is to remedy this deficiency that recourse has been had to horse-artillery. Cavalry, therefore, should never be without cannon, whether when attacking, rallying, or in position.

Maxim
LIII.

In march, or in position, the greater part of the artillery should be with the divisions of infantry and cavalry. The rest should be in reserve. Each gun should have with it three hundred rounds, without including the limber. This is about the complement for two battles.

Maxim
LIV.

Artillery should always be placed in the most advantageous positions, and as far in front of the line of cavalry and infantry as possible, without compromising the safety of the guns.

Field batteries should command the whole country round from the level of the platform. They should on no account be masked on the right and left, but have free range in every direction.

Maxim
LV.

A general should never put his army into cantonments when he has the means of collecting supplies of forage and provisions, and of thus providing for the wants of the soldier in the field.

Maxim
LVI.

A good general, a well-organized system, good instructions, and severe discipline, aided by effective establishments, will always make good troops, independently of the cause for which they fight.

At the same time, a love of country, a spirit of enthusiasm, a sense of national honor, and fanaticism will operate upon young soldiers with advantage.

Maxim
LVII.

When a nation is without establishments and a military system, it is very difficult to organize an army.

Maxim
LVIII.

The first qualification of a soldier is fortitude under fatigue and privation. Courage is only the second; hardship, poverty, and want are the best school for the soldier.

Maxim LIX.

There are five things the soldier should never be without--his musket, his ammunition, his knapsack, his provisions (for at least four days), and his entrenching tool. The knapsack may be reduced to the smallest size possible, if it be thought proper, but the soldier should always have it with him.

Maxim LX.

Every means should be taken to attach the soldier to his colors. This is best accomplished by showing consideration and respect to the old soldier. His pay likewise should increase with his length of service. It is the height of injustice not to pay a veteran more than a recruit.

Maxim
LXI.

It is not set speeches at the moment of battle that render soldiers brave. The veteran scarcely listens to them, and the recruit forgets them at the first discharge. If discourses and harangues are useful, it is during the campaign; to do away with unfavorable impressions, to correct false reports, to keep alive a proper spirit in the camp, and to furnish materials and amusement for the bivouac. All printed orders of the day should keep in view these objects.

Maxim
LXII.

Tents are unfavorable to health. The soldier is best when he bivouacs, because he sleeps with his feet to the fire, which speedily dries the ground on which he lies. A few planks, or a little straw, shelter him from the wind.

On the other hand, tents are necessary for the superior officers, who have to write and to consult their maps. Tents should therefore be issued to these, with directions to them never to sleep in a house. Tents are always objects of observation to the enemy's staff. They afford information in regard to your numbers and the ground you occupy, while an army bivouacking in two or three lines is only distinguishable from afar by the smoke which mingles with the clouds. It is impossible to count the number of the fires.

Maxim
LXIII.

All the information obtained from prisoners should be received with caution, and estimated at its real value. A soldier seldom sees anything beyond his company; and an officer can afford intelligence of little more than the position and movements of the division to which his regiment belongs. On this account the general of an army should never depend upon the information derived from prisoners, unless it agrees with the reports received from the advanced guards, in reference to the position, etc., of the enemy.

Maxim
LXIV.

Nothing is so important in war as an undivided command; for this reason, when war is carried on against a single power, there should be only one army, acting upon one base, and conducted by one chief.

Maxim
LXV.

The same consequences which have uniformly attended long discussions and councils of war will follow at all times. They will terminate in the adoption of the worst course, which in war is always the most timid, or, if you will, the most prudent. The only true wisdom in a general is determined courage.

Maxim
LXVI.

In war the general alone can judge of certain arrangements. It depends on him alone to conquer difficulties by his own superior talents and resolution.

Maxim
LXVII.

To authorize generals or other officers to lay down their arms in virtue of a particular capitulation, under any other circumstances than when they are composing the garrison of a fortress, affords dangerous latitude. It is destructive of all military character in a nation to open such a door to the cowardly, the weak, or even to the misdirected brave. Great extremities require extraordinary resolution. The more obstinate the resistance of an army, the greater the chances of assistance or of success.

How many seeming impossibilities have been accomplished by men whose only resolve was death!

Maxim
LXVIII.

There is no security for any sovereign, for any nation, or for any general, if officers are permitted to capitulate in the open field, and to lay down their arms in virtue of conditions favorable to the contracting party, but contrary to the interests of the army at large. To withdraw from danger, and thereby to involve their comrades in greater peril, is the height of cowardice. Such, conduct should be proscribed, declared infamous, and made punishable with death. All generals, officers, and soldiers who capitulate in battle to save their own lives should be decimated.

He who gives the order and those who obey are alike traitors, and deserve
capital punishment.

Maxim
LXIX.

There is but one honorable mode of becoming prisoner of war. That is, by being taken separately; by which is meant, by being cut off entirely, and when we can no longer make use of our arms. In this case, there can be no conditions, for honor can impose none. We yield to an irresistible necessity.

Maxim
LXX.

The conduct of a general in a conquered country is full of difficulties. If severe, he irritates and increases the number of his enemies. If lenient, he gives birth to expectations which only render the abuses and vexations inseparable from war the more intolerable. A victorious general must know how to employ severity, justness, and mildness by turns, if he would allay sedition or prevent it.

Maxim
LXXI.

Nothing can excuse a general who takes advantage of the knowledge acquired in the service of his country, to deliver up her frontier and her towns to foreigners. This is a crime reprobated by every principle of religion, morality, and honor.

Maxim
LXXII.

A general-in-chief has no right to shelter his mistakes in war under cover of his sovereign, or of a minister, when these are both distant from the scene of operation, and must consequently be either ill informed or wholly ignorant of the actual state of things.

Hence it follows, that every general is culpable who undertakes the execution of a plan which he considers faulty. It is his duty to represent his reasons, to insist upon a change of plan--in short, to give in his resignation rather than allow himself to be made the instrument of his army's ruin. Every general-in-chief who fights a battle in consequence of superior orders, with the certainty of losing it, is equally blamable.

In this last-mentioned case, the general ought to refuse obedience; because a blind obedience is due only to a military command given by a superior present on the spot at the moment of action. Being in possession of the real state of things, the superior has it then in his power to afford the necessary explanations to the person who executes his orders.

But supposing a general-in-chief to receive a positive order from his sovereign, directing him to fight a battle, with the further injunction, to yield to his adversary, and allow himself to be defeated -- ought he to obey it? No. If the general should be able to comprehend the meaning or utility of such an order, he should execute it; otherwise, he should refuse to obey it.

Maxim
LXXIII.

The first qualification in a general-in-chief is a cool head -- that is, a head which receives just impressions, and estimates things and objects at their real value. He must not allow himself to be elated by good news, or depressed by bad.

The impressions he receives either successively or simultaneously in the course of the day should be so classed as to take up only the exact place in his mind which they deserve to occupy; since it is upon a just comparison and consideration of the weight due to different impressions that the power of reasoning and of right judgment depends.

Some men are so physically and morally constituted as to see everything through a highly colored medium. They raise up a picture in the mind on every slight occasion, and give to every trivial occurrence a dramatic interest. But whatever knowledge, or talent, or courage, or other good qualities such men may possess, Nature has not formed them for the command of armies, or the direction of great military operations.

Maxim
LXXIV.

The leading qualifications which should distinguish an officer selected for the head of the staff are, to know the country thoroughly; to be able to conduct a reconnaissance with skill; to superintend the transmission of orders promptly; to lay down the most complicated movements intelligibly, but in a few words, and with simplicity.

Maxim
LXXV.

The commandant of artillery should understand well the general principles of each branch of the service, since he is called upon to supply arms and ammunition to the different corps of which it is composed. His correspondence with the commanding officers of artillery at the advanced posts should put him in possession of all the movements of the army, and the disposition and management of the great park of artillery should depend upon this information.

Maxim
LXXVI.

The qualities which distinguish a good general of advanced posts are: to reconnoiter accurately defiles and fords of every description; to provide guides that may be depended on; to interrogate the cure and postmaster; to establish rapidly a good understanding with the inhabitants; to send out spies; to intercept public and private letters; to translate and analyze their contents; in a word, to be able to answer every question of the general-in-chief when he arrives with the whole army.

Maxim
LXXVII.

General-in-chief must be guided by their own experience, or their genius. Tactics, evolutions, the duties and knowledge of an engineer or artillery officer, may be learned in treatises, but the science of strategy is only to be acquired by experience, and by studying the campaigns of all the great captains.

Gustavus Adolphus, Turenne, and Frederick, as well as Alexander, Hannibal, and Caesar have all acted upon the same principles. These have been – to keep their forces united; to leave no weak part unguarded; to seize with rapidity on important points.

Such as the principles which lead to victory, and which, by inspiring terror at the reputation of your arms, will at once maintain fidelity and secure subjection.

Maxim
LXXVIII.

Peruse again and again the campaigns of Alexander, Hannibal, Caesar, Gustavus Adolphus, Turenne, Engene, and Frederick. Model yourself upon them. This is the only means of becoming a great captain, and of acquiring the secret of the art of war. Your own genius will be enlightened and improved by this study, and you will learn to reject all maxims foreign to the principles of these great commanders.

Survival Is Rarely Pretty or Peaceful – Ask Nicolo Machiavelli

Will Hemingway — Fri, 29 Dec 2017 22:55:39 +0000

Machiavelli realized that, when carefully studying history, the good guy almost always finishes last.

There is something to be said for the principle of fighting for your survival. Religious and political voices counsel us every day how to be submissive and, for the most part, docile. Most first-world societies have been brainwashed their people, push a relentless torrent mandating acts of altruism, self-loathing, and guilt. The overlords have “bred” Aggression out of us. Such social engineering has been used throughout man’s history under the guise of civility and peace. The goal, of course, is to assure the dominance of a government or group over others.

If you think that you understand strategic social interactions, politics, or survival, then you better know Machiavelli.

The first thing that every survival minded person must do is learn how to override that training. If you genuinely wish to survive any significant conflict or social upheaval, then you need to understand Machiavelli's principles. A Nicolo Machiavelli primer is provided below, along with his two seminal works.

Executive Summary:

Anyone who wishes to protect their nation, way of life, liberty, and freedom should acquaint themselves with the Machiavellian principles. I suggest that you begin with “The Prince.” (see the PDF below)

His principles (in the supporting materials below) will offend the sensibilities of some who are highly religious. I recommend that you force yourself past it. The perceptions and well-rooted historical basis upon which they were formed are easily validated by millennia.

Machiavelli served as a diplomat in Italy's Florentine Republic for fourteen years. Upon the return of the exiled Medic family and the fall of the Republic, Machiavelli studied Roman history. Licking his wounds at the collapse of the Republic, he wrote his most notable treatise, The Prince. In the Prince, he outlined the harsh realities of what it requires to maintain and assure the longevity of a monarchy or a government.

Machiavelli is known as the "Father of Modern Political Theory". The Prince illuminated the necessity of ruling by deceit, fear, and in some cases, force. Pope Clement VIII condemned the premise. Interestingly, the Catholic Church had been practicing nearly identical methods to protect, grow, and maintain their control over their nation-state colonies around the world, all done for the “greater good” (God’s will).

Machiavelli was well-read and quite worldly for his time. In 1521 he penned an interesting treatise "On the Art of War." The Prince and Click here to download "On the Art of War."

Supporting Materials:

Machiavelli:

May 3, 1469 - Jun 21, 1527, Florence, (Italy) Republic of Florence
Diplomat, Politician, Historian, Philosopher, Humanist, Writer
"Father of Modern Political Theory"

Machiavelli’s Principles:

Separate Politics/Government from Religion
- Machiavelli challenged the core underlying everyone's religious convictions. He challenged the logic and historical evidence of spiritual and moral convictions at the heart of “man”.
There are no friends in politics
The “effectual truth”
- .Allies in politics, whether at home or abroad, are not friends
Whoever imagines allies are friends ensures his ruin rather than his preservation
The virtues taught in our secular and religious schools are incompatible with the virtues one must practice safeguarding those same institutions.
The power of the lion and the cleverness of the fox: These are the qualities a leader must harness to preserve the republic.
Leaders must, at times inspire fear not only in their foes but even in their allies — and even in their own ministers.
The proper aim of a leader is to maintain his state
P.olitics is an environment where
- Acting virtuously often leads to the ruin of a state.
- Pursuing what appears to be vice results in security and well-being.
Leaders must understand that the ability to make difficult decisions carefully weighing the best of bad choices is what is required to achieve the most good.

“I pour myself out as fully as I can in meditation on the subject, discussing what a principality is, what kinds there are, how they can be acquired, how they can be kept, why they are lost:” Nicolo Machiavelli

Machiavelli set social precepts on their collective ears. He broke the standard of the time; separating Politics/Government from Religion. The response to Machiavelli’s words was condemnation and outrage. He never urged evil for evil’s sake. He realized that, when carefully studying history, the good guy almost always finishes last.

The Prince and Click here to download "On the Art of War".

machiavelli_prince

Useful Info Important Events Laws Docs Posse Comitatus

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Civil Protest and Reasoned Civil Discourse

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Sun Tzu – The Art of War – Gutenberg

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Empirical Data (Objective, Verifiable, Reproducible)

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Q anon Posting – #releasethememo

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Citizen Science – Freedom Exemplified

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Hegelian Dialectic -Manipulating People for Power & Profit

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How to Handle Raw Data from Sources

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Population Planning, Control, Immigration, and Cultural Destruction

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Jefferson’s Draft Declaration of Independence

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Liberty, Freedom, and Sovereignty

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Magna Carta

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Posse Comitatus

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When Has Government Gone Too Far?

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Balancing Freedom & Governance

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Hegelian Dialectic -Manipulating People for Power & Profit

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True Preparedness Demands Effort

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SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19) – Biological Agent Connection

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List of Major Terror Attacks 1968 – 2002

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COSCO

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Q Drops

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Magna Carta

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Sun Tzu The Art of War Intro

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Big Brother

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Boy Scout Rules Assimilation Its Value and Necessity

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Alert – Eyes on – Venezuela, Columbia, and Panama

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EDC – Every Day Carry Kit

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Seismic – Top

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Sun Tzu – The Art of War – Gutenberg

Will Hemingway — Wed, 22 Feb 2017 00:04:14 +0000

SurviveWithWill.com PracticeSurvival.com's Sun Tzu The Art of War Full Text Read More

Thomas Jefferson’s Draft of the Declaration of Independence

Will Hemingway — Wed, 20 Jan 2016 03:00:02 +0000

Below is a transcript, of the rough draft, of the Declaration of Independence, written largely by Thomas Jefferson and highly influenced by John Locke’s writings.

The most notable fact of the draft is the singular section that was not included in the final version of the document. All of the attacks on Jefferson’s character claiming that he was pro-slavery are absolute crap. When you read what he put forth in the original draft there is no room for interpretation, Thomas Jefferson found slavery to be deplorable. Read the words for yourself. Click here to read.

The rough draft of the Declaration of Independence

28 June, 1776

As it probably read when Jefferson submitted it for corrections

In the original text there are some changes: these are indicated by [ ..... ]. Most of these changes seem to be by Jefferson himself, but some of these are in a handwriting that resembles that of Adams.

Thomas Jefferson's Draft of the

Declaration of Independence

A DECLARATION BY THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN GENERAL CONGRESS ASSEMBLED

                                                                one 
    When in the course of human events it becomes necessary for a^ 

     dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another,
  people to ^advance from that subordination in which they have hitherto 

  and to                                             separate and equal
  ^remained, & to assume among the powers of the earth the ^equal and

  independent station to which the laws of nature and of nature's god

  entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires

                                                      the separation
  that they should declare the causes which impel them to ^change.

                             self-evident,
    We hold these truths to be ^sacred & undeniable; that all Men

                             they are endowed by their creator with 
  are created equal & independent; that ^from that equal creation they

  equal rights, some of which are   rights; that   these
  derive in rights inherent & inalienable ^ among ^which are the

  preservation of life, & liberty, & the pursuit of happiness;

                       rights
  that to secure these ^ends, governments are instituted among men,

  deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that

  whenever any form of government shall becomes destructive of these

  ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, & to

  institute new government, laying it's foundation on such principles,

  & organizing it's powers in such form, as to them shall seem most

  likely to effect their safety & happiness.  prudence indeed will

  dictate that governments long established should not be changed for

  light & transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown

  that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable,

  than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are

  accustomed.  but when a long train of abuses & usurpations pursuing

  invariably the same object, evinces a design to subject reduce them 

 under absolute Despotism [FRANKLIN]
  ^to arbitrary power, it is their right, it is their duty to throw off

  such government, & to provide new guards for their future security

  such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies; & such is now

  the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of

                             the             king of Great Britain [ADAMS]
  government.  the History of ^his the present ^majesty is a history of

                                             appears no solitary fact
  repeated injuries & usurpations, among which ^no one fact stands single

                                                          but all
  and solitary to contradict the uniform tenor of the rest, ^all of which

  have in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over

  these states.  to prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world,

  for the truth of which we pledge a faith yet unsullied by falsehood.

he has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome & necessary for

  the public good:

he has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate & 

  pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation

  till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended,

  he has neglected utterly to attend to them.

he has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large 

  districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of

                in the Legislature
  representation ^, a right inestimable to them, & formidable to tyrants

  only:

he has called together legislative bodies in places unusual,

  uncomfortable & distant from the depository of their public records

  for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his

  measures:

he has dissolved Representative houses repeatedly & continually, for

  opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the Rights of the People.

                                           time after such dissolutions
he has dissolved, he has refused for a long ^ space of time, after

  such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected, whereby the 

  legislative Powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the 

  people at large for their exercise; the state remaining in the 

  meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, & 

  convulsions within:

he has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for

  that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; 

  refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither;

  & raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands:  

he has suffered the administration of justice totally to cease in 

               states
  some of these ^ colonies, refusing his assent to laws for

  establishing judiciary powers:  

he has made our judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure

                       the       and payment  [FRANKLIN]
  of their offices, and ^ amount ^ of their Salaries:  

he has erected a multitude of new offices by a self-assumed power,

  & sent hither swarms of new officers to harass our people and eat

  out their substance.  

                                    without our consent
he has kept among us in times of peace ^ standing armies, 

                      the
              without ^our consent. of our legislatures
  & ships of war^:

he has affected to render the military independent of, & superior

  to the civil power:

he has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign

  to our constitutions, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his

                 acts of
  assent to their ^ pretended acts of legislation,

  for quartering large bodies of Armed Troops among us; 

  for protecting them, by a mock-trial from punishment for any 

            which 
     murders ^ they should commit on the inhabitants of these states; 

  for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world; 

  for imposing taxes on us without our consent;

  for depriving us of the benefits of trial by jury; 

  for transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences;

for abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province,

  establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging it's 

  boundaries so as to render it at once an example & fit instrument

  for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies states;

                                                  valuable
                               abolishing our most ^important laws [FRANKLIN]
  for taking away our charters, ^ & altering fundimentally the forms of

    our governments;

  for suspending our own legislatures & declaring themselves

    invested with power to legislate for us in all cases

    whatsoever:

he has abdicated government here, withdrawing his governors, 

  & declaring us out of his allegiance & protection: 

he has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns,

  & destroyed the lives of our people:

he is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries

  to compleat the works of death, desolation & tyranny, already begun

  with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy unworthy the head of a

  civilized nation:

he has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the

  merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare in an

  undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, & conditions of

  existence:

he has incited treasonable insurrections of our fellow-citizens,

  with the allurements of forfeiture & confiscation of our property:

                          taken captives
he has constrained others, ^falling into his hands, on the high

  seas to bear arms against their country, & to destroy & be

  destroyed by their breteren whom they love, to become the

  executioners of their friends & brethren, or to fall themselves

  by their hands.

he has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating

  it's most sacred rights of life & liberty in the persons of

  a distant people who never offended him, captivating & carrying

  them to slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable

  death in their transportations thither. this piratical warfare,

  the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the Christian

  king of Great Britain. determined to keep open a market where MEN

  should be bought & sold, he has prostituted his negative for

  suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain

determining to keep open a market where MEN should be bought & sold
  this excrable commerce ^ and that this assemblage of horrors might

  want no fact of distiguished die, he is now exciting those very

  people to rise in arms against us, and to purchase that liberty

  of which he has deprived them, by murdering the people upon whom

  he also obtruded them; thus paying off former crimes which he

  urges them to commit against the lives of another.

in every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for

  redress in the most humble terms: our repeated petitions have

               only [FRANKLIN]
  been answered ^ by repeated Injury.  a Prince whose character

  is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is

  unfit to be the ruler of a people who mean to be free. future

  ages will scarce belive that the hardiness of one man, adventured

            build
          to ^lay a foundation so broad & undistiguished for tyranny
  within the short compass of twelve years only, ^on so many acts

  of tyrany without a mask, over a people fostered & fixed in

               freedom
  principles of ^liberty.

Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British Brethren. we

  have warned them from time to time of attempts by their 

  legislature to extend a jurisdiction over these our states. we

  have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration &

  settlement here, no one of which could warrent so strange a

  pretention: that these were effected at the expence of our own

  blood & treasure, unassisted by the wealth or the strength of

  Great Britain: that in constituting indeed our several forms

  of government, we had adopted one common king, thereby laying a

  foundation for perpetual league & amity with them: but that

  submission to their parliament was no part of our constitution,

  nor ever in idea if history may be credited: and we appealed to

  their native justice and magnanimity as well as the ties of our

  common kindred to disavow these usurpations which were likely to

               connection &
  interrupt our ^ correspondence. they too have been deaf to the

  voice of justice & of consanguinity & when occations have been

  given them, by the regular course of their laws, of removing from

  their councils the disturbers of our harmony, they have by their

  free election re-established them in power. at this very time too

  they are permitting their chief magistrate to send over not only

  soldiers of our common blood, but Scotch & foriegn mercinaries to

          destroy us [FRANKLIN]
  invade & ^deluge us in blood. these facts have given the last stab

  to agonizing affection, and manly spirit bids us to renounce

  forever these unfeeling bretheren. we must endeavor to forget our

  former love for them, and to hold them, as we hold the rest of

  mankind, enemies in war, in peace, friends. we might have been a

  free & a great people together; but a communication of gradeur &

  of freedom it seems is below their dignity, be it so, since they

                                             & to glory
  will have it: the road to glory & happiness ^ is open to us too;

                  apart from them
  we will climb it ^ in a separatly state, and acquiesce in the

                    de           eternal separation!
  necessity which pro^nounces our ^everlasting adieu!

We therefore the representatives of the United States of 

  America in General Congress assembled, do, in the name & by the

  authority of the good people of these states, reject and 

  renounce all allegiance & subjection to the kings of Great Britain

  & all others who may hereafter claim, by through or under them;

  we utterly dissolve & break off all political connection which

                     have
  may have heretofore ^ sibsisted between us & the people or parliament

  of Great Britain; and do finally we do assert and declare these

  colonies to be free and independent states, and that as free &

                                              full
  independent states they shall hereafter have ^ power to levy war,

  conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, & do all

  other acts and things which independent states may of right do.

And for the support of this declaration we mutually pledge to each

other our lives, our fortunes, & our sacred honor.

Religion & Truth

Will Hemingway — Sun, 11 Aug 2013 18:42:22 +0000

Religion and reality

I have been exploring the issue of religion, man and his relationship to the forms of worship. Having been raised in a firm but flexible Christian family I spent my formative years in the belief that the “Christian Rules” were the right and just ones. Throughout my adult life I have been very lucky to have the opportunity to travel extensively all over the USA and the world. Having known and inspected several of my friends and their religious beliefs, I have grown skeptical and concerned of the true intent and agenda of those self exalted leaders and minions of these religious machines. This is not to say that there may not be valuable points and direction coming from many of these groups. But, the idea that each exalts themselves as the one and only, is troubling. In science, we know that many experts with opposing views work hard at supporting and expanding upon their premises. In the end, in most cases, they generally take lessons from each and come together to understand a few fundamental facts, we are always learning, we don’t ever actually know, we just keep getting closer (hopefully). Instead when we talk religion, we decide there are absolutes. Why?? What else is there in this human existence that is absolute?? It is absurd !! John Locke a very notable philosopher in the seventeenth century sat one day with five or six friends discussing just this subject. The end of this discussion set out that Locke would put his thoughts to paper for their review. This task, in amazement to his friends, consumed the next 20 years of Locke’s life. He encapsulated his thoughts into one text know as his “Essay”.

We have provided all nine volumes of John Locke, The Works of John Locke in Nine Volumes [1824] below in PDF format for your reading pleasure.

The Federalist Papers

Will Hemingway — Sun, 11 Aug 2013 18:42:13 +0000


	The Federalist Papers


	ABOUT THE FEDERALIST PAPERS The Federalist, commonly referred to as the Federalist Papers, is a series of 85 essays written by Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison between October 1787 and May 1788. The essays were published anonymously, under the pen name "Publius," in various New York state newspapers of the time. The Federalist Papers were written and published to urge New Yorkers to ratify the proposed United States Constitution, which was drafted in Philadelphia in the summer of 1787. In lobbying for adoption of the Constitution over the existing Articles of Confederation, the essays explain particular provisions of the Constitution in detail. For this reason, and because Hamilton and Madison were each members of the Constitutional Convention, the Federalist Papers are often used today to help interpret the intentions of those drafting the Constitution. The Federalist Papers were published primarily in two New York state newspapers: The New York Packet and The Independent Journal. They were reprinted in other newspapers in New York state and in several cities in other states. A bound edition, with revisions and corrections by Hamilton, was published in 1788 by printers J. and A. McLean. An edition published by printer Jacob Gideon in 1818, with revisions and corrections by Madison, was the first to identify each essay by its author's name. Because of its publishing history, the assignment of authorship, numbering, and exact wording may vary with different editions of The Federalist. The electronic text of The Federalist used here was compiled for Project Gutenberg by scholars who drew on many available versions of the papers. One printed edition of the text is The Federalist, edited by Jacob E. Cooke (Middletown, Conn., Wesleyan University Press, 1961). Cooke's introduction provides background information on the printing history of The Federalist; the information provided above comes in part from his work.

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Articles of Confederation Text

Will Hemingway — Sun, 11 Aug 2013 18:42:13 +0000

Articles of Confederation

To all to whom these Presents shall come, we the undersigned Delegates of the States affixed to our Names send greeting.

Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the states of New Hampshire, Massachusetts-bay Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia.

The Stile of this Confederacy shall be

“The United States of America”.

II.

Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Confederation expressly delegated to the United States, in Congress assembled.

III.

The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other, against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretense whatever.

IV.

The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and intercourse among the people of the different States in this Union, the free inhabitants of each of these States, paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States; and the people of each State shall free ingress and regress to and from any other State, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions as the inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any State, to any other State, of which the owner is an inhabitant; provided also that no imposition, duties or restriction shall be laid by any State, on the property of the United States, or either of them.

If any person guilty of, or charged with, treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor in any State, shall flee from justice, and be found in any of the United States, he shall, upon demand of the Governor or executive power of the State from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to the State having jurisdiction of his offense.

Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these States to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other State.

For the most convenient management of the general interests of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed in such manner as the legislatures of each State shall direct, to meet in Congress on the first Monday in November, in every year, with a powerreserved to each State to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead for the remainder of the year.

No State shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor more than seven members; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate for more than three years in any term of six years; nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the United States, for which he, or another for his benefit, receives any salary, fees or emolument of any kind.

Each State shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the States, and while they act as members of the committee of the States.

In determining questions in the United States in Congress assembled, each State shall have one vote.

Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Congress, and the members of Congress shall be protected in their persons from arrests or imprisonments, during the time of their going to and from, and attendence on Congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace.

VI.

No State, without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance or treaty with any King, Prince or State; nor shall any person holding any office of profit or trust under the United States, or any of them, accept any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever from any King, Prince or foreign State; nor shall the United States in Congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility.

No two or more States shall enter into any treaty, confederation or alliance whatever between them, without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue.

No State shall lay any imposts or duties, which may interfere with any stipulations in treaties, entered into by the United States in Congress assembled, with any King, Prince or State, in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by Congress, to the courts of France and Spain.

No vessel of war shall be kept up in time of peace by any State, except such number only, as shall be deemed necessary by the United States in Congress assembled, for the defense of such State, or its trade; nor shall any body of forces be kept up by any State in time of peace, except such number only, as in the judgement of the United States in Congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defense of such State; but every State shall always keep up a well-regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutered, and shall provide and constantly have ready for use, in public stores, a due number of filed pieces and tents, and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition and camp equipage.

No State shall engage in any war without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, unless such State be actually invaded by enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution being formed by some nation of Indians to invade such State, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay till the United States in Congress assembled can be consulted; nor shall any State grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the United States in Congress assembled, and then only against the Kingdom or State and the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, and under such regulations as shall be established by the United States in Congress assembled, unless such State be infested by pirates, in which case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so long as the danger shall continue, or until the United States in Congress assembled shall determine otherwise.

VII.

When land forces are raised by any State for the common defense, all officers of or under the rank of colonel, shall be appointed by the legislature of each State respectively, by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such State shall direct, and all vacancies shall be filled up by the State which first made the appointment.

VIII.

All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defense or general welfare, and allowed by the United States in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several States in proportion to the value of all land within each State, granted or surveyed for any person, as such land and the buildings and improvements thereon shall be estimated according to such mode as the United States in Congress assembled, shall from time to time direct and appoint.

The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the legislatures of the several States within the time agreed upon by the United States in Congress assembled.

IX.

The United States in Congress assembled, shall have the sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth article — of sending and receiving ambassadors — entering into treaties and alliances, provided that no treaty of commerce shall be made whereby the legislative power of the respective States shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and duties on foreigners, as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or commodities whatsoever — of establishing rules for deciding in all cases, what captures on land or water shall be legal, and in what manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the United States shall be divided or appropriated — of granting letters of marque and reprisal in times of peace — appointing courts for the trial of piracies and felonies commited on the high seas and establishing courts for receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of captures, provided that no member of Congress shall be appointed a judge of any of the said courts.

The United States in Congress assembled shall also be the last resort on appeal in all disputes and differences now subsisting or that hereafter may arise between two or more States concerning boundary, jurisdiction or any other causes whatever; which authority shall always be exercised in the manner following. Whenever the legislative or executive authority or lawful agent of any State in controversy with another shall present a petition to Congress stating the matter in question and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given by order of Congress to the legislative or executive authority of the other State in controversy, and a day assigned for the appearance of the parties by their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to appoint by joint consent, commissioners or judges to constitute a court for hearing and determining the matter in question: but if they cannot agree, Congress shall name three persons out of each of the United States, and from the list of such persons each party shall alternately strike out one, the petitioners beginning, until the number shall be reduced to thirteen; and from that number not less than seven, nor more than nine names as Congress shall direct, shall in the presence of Congress be drawn out by lot, and the persons whose names shall be so drawn or any five of them, shall be commissioners or judges, to hear and finally determine the controversy, so always as a major part of the judges who shall hear the cause shall agree in the determination: and if either party shall neglect to attend at the day appointed, without showing reasons, which Congress shall judge sufficient, or being present shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall proceed to nominate three persons out of each State, and the secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf of such party absent or refusing; and the judgement and sentence of the court to be appointed, in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and conclusive; and if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to the authority of such court, or to appear or defend their claim or cause, the court shall nevertheless proceed to pronounce sentence, or judgement, which shall in like manner be final and decisive, the judgement or sentence and other proceedings being in either case transmitted to Congress, and lodged among the acts of Congress for the security of the parties concerned: provided that every commissioner, before he sits in judgement, shall take an oath to be administered by one of the judges of the supreme or superior court of the State, where the cause shall be tried, ‘well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, according to the best of his judgement, without favor, affection or hope of reward’: provided also, that no State shall be deprived of territory for the benefit of the United States.

All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed under different grants of two or more States, whose jurisdictions as they may respect such lands, and the States which passed such grants are adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the same time claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement of jurisdiction, shall on the petition of either party to the Congress of the United States, be finally determined as near as may be in the same manner as is before presecribed for deciding disputes respecting territorial jurisdiction between different States.

The United States in Congress assembled shall also have the sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective States — fixing the standards of weights and measures throughout the United States — regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians, not members of any of the States, provided that the legislative right of any State within its own limits be not infringed or violated — establishing or regulating post offices from one State to another, throughout all the United States, and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same as may be requisite to defray the expenses of the said office — appointing all officers of the land forces, in the service of the United States, excepting regimental officers — appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in the service of the United States — making rules for the government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and directing their operations.

The United States in Congress assembled shall have authority to appoint a committee, to sit in the recess of Congress, to be denominated ‘A Committee of the States’, and to consist of one delegate from each State; and to appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs of the United States under their direction — to appoint one of their members to preside, provided that no person be allowed to serve in the office of president more than one year in any term of three years; to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of the United States, and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying the public expenses — to borrow money, or emit bills on the credit of the United States, transmitting every half-year to the respective States an account of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted — to build and equip a navy — to agree upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each State for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such State; which requisition shall be binding, and thereupon the legislature of each State shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men and cloath, arm and equip them in a solid-like manner, at the expense of the United States; and the officers and men so cloathed, armed and equipped shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled. But if the United States in Congress assembled shall, on consideration of circumstances judge proper that any State should not raise men, or should raise a smaller number of men than the quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, officered, cloathed, armed and equipped in the same manner as the quota of each State, unless the legislature of such State shall judge that such extra number cannot be safely spread out in the same, in which case they shall raise, officer, cloath, arm and equip as many of such extra number as they judeg can be safely spared. And the officers and men so cloathed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled.

The United States in Congress assembled shall never engage in a war, nor grant letters of marque or reprisal in time of peace, nor enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for the defense and welfare of the United States, or any of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit of the United States, nor appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels of war, to be built or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander in chief of the army or navy, unless nine States assent to the same: nor shall a question on any other point, except for adjourning from day to day be determined, unless by the votes of the majority of the United States in Congress assembled.

The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to any time within the year, and to any place within the United States, so that no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the space of six months, and shall publish the journal of their proceedings monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances or military operations, as in their judgement require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the delegates of each State on any question shall be entered on the journal, when it is desired by any delegates of a State, or any of them, at his or their request shall be furnished with a transcript of the said journal, except such parts as are above excepted, to lay before the legislatures of the several States.

The Committee of the States, or any nine of them, shall be authorized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers of Congress as the United States in Congress assembled, by the consent of the nine States, shall from time to time think expedient to vest them with; provided that no power be delegated to the said Committee, for the exercise of which, by the Articles of Confederation, the voice of nine States in the Congress of the United States assembled be requisite.

XI.

Canada acceding to this confederation, and adjoining in the measures of the United States, shall be admitted into, and entitled to all the advantages of this Union; but no other colony shall be admitted into the same, unless such admission be agreed to by nine States.

XII.

All bills of credit emitted, monies borrowed, and debts contracted by, or under the authority of Congress, before the assembling of the United States, in pursuance of the present confederation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the United States, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said United States, and the public faith are hereby solemnly pleged.

XIII.

Every State shall abide by the determination of the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions which by this confederation are submitted to them. And the Articles of this Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them; unless such alteration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of every State.

And Whereas it hath pleased the Great Governor of the World to incline the hearts of the legislatures we respectively represent in Congress, to approve of, and to authorize us to ratify the said Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union. Know Ye that we the undersigned delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given for that purpose, do by these presents, in the name and in behalf of our respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and every of the said Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union, and all and singular the matters and things therein contained: And we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective constituents, that they shall abide by the determinations of the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions, which by the said Confederation are submitted to them. And that the Articles thereof shall be inviolably observed by the States we respectively represent, and that the Union shall be perpetual.

In Witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands in Congress. Done at Philadelphia in the State of Pennsylvania the ninth day of July in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Seventy-Eight, and in the Third Year of the independence of America.

Agreed to by Congress 15 November 1777 In force after ratification by Maryland, 1 March 1781

© Copyright 2001-2003 WillHemingway.com, int-pro.com – A Publication of Will Hemingway Productions and Will Hemingway
All Rights Reserved ISSN 1537-5994
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Articles of Confederation

Will Hemingway — Sun, 11 Aug 2013 18:42:12 +0000


	Articles of Confederation

ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION

At the same time that Jefferson was drafting the Declaration, members of the Continental Congress were developing a new form of government for the confederated colonies. On 7 June 1776, in addition to the resolution for independence, Richard Henry Lee moved that "a plan of confederation be prepared and transmitted to the respective Colonies for their consideration and approbation."(37) On 12 June, one delegate from each colony was chosen to sit on a committee "to prepare and digest the form of confederation."(38) The committee members were: Samuel Adams, Josiah Bartlett, John Dickinson (chairman), Button Gwinnett, Joseph Hewes, Stephen Hopkins, Robert R. Livingston, Thomas McKean, Thomas Nelson, Edward Rutledge, Roger Sherman, and Thomas Stone. Francis Hopkinson was added to the committee on 28 June.

John Dickinson was chosen to draft the document outlining a plan for confederation. It had been almost a decade since the publication of his Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies. Although Dickinson was not ready to support colonial independence, his knowledge of the institutions of government made him the appropriate choice to draft the plan of union. On 12 July, a draft of the "Articles of confederation and perpetual union" in Dickinson's hand was presented and read before Congress. Dickinson was absent from Congress on 12 July as he was called into temporary service for the Continental Army.(39)

The previous July, Benjamin Franklin presented to the Committee of the Whole a sketch of a plan for a permanent union of the colonies. Franklin's plan was endorsed by Charles Thomson: "Sketch of Articles of Confederation. July '75." Although Franklin's plan for a confederation was at first rejected, a large part of his plan was used by Dickinson and the committee chosen to draft the Articles of Confederation.(40) After Dickinson's rough draft of the Articles was read on 12 July 1776, it was resolved that "eighty copies, and no more, of the confederation, as brought in by the committee, be immediately printed, and deposited with the secretary, who shall deliver one copy to each member."(41) The printers, Philadelphians John Dunlap and David C. Claypoole, and all members of Congress were instructed not to share with anyone the contents of the plan of confederation.(42)

Beginning on 22 July, the Articles were discussed in the Committee of the Whole. A part of every day for the next twenty days was devoted to consideration of the Articles. Secretary Charles Thomson annotated and amended John Dickinson's manuscript draft during the latter's absence from the discussions of the Articles in Congress.(43)

The debates concerning the Articles were prolonged over questions regarding representation in Congress, western land boundaries, and apportionment of taxation. On 20 August, after a week of neglect, the Articles were once again taken up in the Committee of the Whole. With the preliminary modifications made to the Articles, Congress ordered that eighty copies of the Articles of Confederation, as reported from the committee of the whole, be printed under the same injunctions as the former articles were printed, and delivered to the members under the like restrictions as formerly.(44)

Dunlap and Claypoole printed the revised Articles to include all notations and changes made since the 12 July printing.(45)

Military concerns associated with the Revolutionary War, lack of representatives attending Congress, and the relocation of Congress from Philadelphia to Baltimore commanded the attention of the Continental Congress and prevented continual debate on the Articles. Subsequently, consideration of the Articles was tabled until 8 April 1777, when it was decided that two days a week would be devoted to discussion of the Articles. Debate over the Articles continued as the members of Congress discussed each issue separately. In an effort to settle all issues in a timely manner, a motion was made to consider the Articles as a part of each day's business. On 2 September, the motion was voted down and Congress continued to devote two days a week to matters of confederation.

With the continued threat of British occupation of Philadelphia, Congress was once again forced to relocate. On 19 September, members of Congress departed Philadelphia and nine days later reconvened in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, and then moved the following day to York. On 8 October, Congress resumed discussion on the Articles and the members debated the details of confederation daily during October and November.

On 10 November, a committee of three was appointed to consider the Articles as they existed and report any additional amendments. James Duane, Richard Law, and Richard Henry Lee were selected for this task. The following day, the three men suggested seven additions, of which only a few were incorporated into the final document.(46)

On 13 November, James Duane, Richard Henry Lee, and James Lovell were appointed to revise and arrange the Articles. Lee was employed to create a circular letter to be dispatched to the states with the Articles. On 15 November, the revised Articles of Confederation was recorded in the "Journal of the Continental Congress." At the conclusion of the day, it was ordered that "the committee appointed to revise and arrange the articles of confederation, have three hundred copies printed and lodged with the secretary."(47) The Articles of Confederation were printed by Francis Bailey in Lancaster, Pennsylvania (see Appendix F for a list of extant printed copies of the Articles of Confederation). The committee appointed to arrange the Articles and prepare a circular letter presented the letter in Congress on 17 November. In an effort to secure ratification, Richard Henry Lee offered an apology to the states for the delay of this plan for confederation and wrote, "after the most careful enquiry and the fullest information, this is proposed as the best which could be adapted to the circumstances of all."(48)

The printed copies of the Articles of Confederation, in the form of a twenty-six page pamphlet, were delivered to the president of Congress on 28 November. Henry Laurens allocated eighteen copies to the delegates of each State and reserved the rest for himself.(49) With each state receiving only eighteen copies of the Articles of Confederation, printers in many states were prompted to create their own copies of the document. In the fall of 1777, the Articles were printed in New London, Connecticut; Annapolis, Maryland; Boston, Massachusetts; Exeter, New Hampshire; Providence, Rhode Island; Williamsburg, Virginia and Newbern, North Carolina. In the Park collection is a copy of the Articles of Confederation printed in 1777 by Boston printer, John Gill.(50)

In the circular letter accompanying the Articles, Congress asked the states to take action on the Articles by 10 March 1778. The Articles were not approved until 1 March 1781, when Maryland gave its assent. The Articles of Confederation were ordered to be engrossed on 26 June 1778. The following day, the engrossed copy was laid before Congress and found incorrect, and a second engrossed copy was ordered. On 9 July, the second engrossed copy was presented before Congress and signed by all those present. The signed Articles are untitled with the heading endorsed on the outside of the document.(51)

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© Copyright 2001-2003 WillHemingway.com, int-pro.com - A Publication of Will Hemingway Productions and Will Hemingway
All Rights Reserved ISSN 1537-5994
This written work is protected by international copyright laws. The copyright laws prohibit any copying, redistributing, retransmitting, or repurposing of any copyright protected material. Refer to the total list of restrictions and rules of usage. Click here to read them.
If you are interested in reprinting this article and obtaining proper licenses, please contact Will Hemingway Productions at (856) 816-1764.
P.O. Box 1448, Bellmawr, NJ 08099-5448


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